As Air Force One is prepared to head off for the cold, polluted skies of Beijing, according to a report in today’s South China Morning Post the communist Chinese leadership is anxious to secure a public statement from Barak Obama, acknowledging China’s so-called sovereignty over Tibet, during the President’s imminent visit to Beijing.
It’s an interesting wish, as any such gesture made by the US Administration would in reality be a somewhat cosmetic. In terms of real politic the United States, in regarding Tibet as an autonomous region of China, has for some years effectively conceded Chinese sovereignty over Tibet (admitted by China’s response to the 1987 US Congressional Resolution on Tibet, which Beijing claimed contradicted US foreign policy: “The fact [sic] that Tibet is part of China is universally recognized by the world, includuding…the United States” (Source: Tibetan Nation Page 599)
Would it matter if Obama was to publicly assert, what has been acknowledged by the US State Department all this time, namely that the US Administration recognises Chinese sovereignty over Tibet? What exactly is Beijing seeking to achieve from such a statement? More on this later, first though some timeline snapshots of US policy on Tibet. The United States in its relations with Beijing, and in terms of its position on resolving the issue of Tibet, does not consider Tibet a distinct and separate territory, nor assert Tibetans to be a people with a right to self-determination (although in 1960 it did express that view).
Following the Dalai Lama’s 1987 visit to Washington the US, and noting the violent suppression of demonstrations in Lhasa, Congress issued its resolution condemning China’s invasion and occupation of Tibet. An acknowledgement, significantly, not shared by the United States Government which throughout maintained its policy of legitimizing Chinese rule over Tibet. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian Affairs, J.Stapleton Roy said:
“…the US Government considers Tibet to be a part of China…Neither the United States, nor any member of the United Nations recognizes, or has ever recognized Tibet as a sovereign state, independent of China” (Asian and Pacific Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs-October 14 1987).
In 1994 the US State Department more clearly defined official US policy concerning Tibet when it published ‘Relations of the United States With Tibet”:
“Historically the United States has acknowledged Chinese sovereignty over Tibet…we do not recognize Tibet as an independent state..”
This position was reiterated in September 1995 by Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian Affairs, Kent M Wiedermann who informed a Senate Foreign Relations Committee:
“The United States considers the Tibet Autonomous Region…as part of the People’s Republic of China..”
Apart from hand wringing platitudes on preserving Tibetan culture and urging negotiations between the Dalai Lama and Beijing, today the US Administration’s policy remains the same:
“The United States recognizes the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and Tibetan autonomous prefectures and counties in other provinces to be a part of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).” http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2009/127268.htm#tibet
To have the US President confirm Chinese sovereignty over Tibet is a highly prized diplomatic objective of communist China’s regime, not because it would signify a change of US policy on Tibet, but as a crucial affirmation in Beijing’s drive to engineer international support for its presence in Tibet. Since the invasion of Tibet in 1950 China been obsessed with trying to legitimize its occupation, not to be able to do that exposes the cold fact that Tibet was a de facto independent nation at the time of its forcible annexation by China, and historically exercised many powers of a sovereign state.
Yet Beijing has not been entirely successful in convincing the world of its legitimacy in ruling Tibet, despite its colonization and economic ‘development’. In its aim for the complete assimilation of Tibetan culture, and the extinction of a distinct Tibetan national identity. Moreover, although no doubt extracting comfort from foreign governments’ refusal to acknowledge Tibet’s independence, Beijing has long considered criticism of its human rights record in Tibet as yet another challenge to its so-called legitimate control there. Therefore should Barak Obama openly affirm Chinese sovereignty over Tibet it would prove an influential propaganda tool, which may well encourage other heads-of-states to follow suit and issue public statements supporting China’s so-called sovereignty over Tibet.
However, such actions, though pleasing to Beijing, only add a public signature to policies which have long regarded China’s control of Tibet as justified and legitimate. There may be other motivations behind China’s desire to see the US President issue such a statement, that have more to do with undermining support for Tibet within the United States Administration. Furthermore should the United States make such a declaration Beijing would ruthlessly exploit such a development, insisting that as the US President having formally conceded Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, the United States could no longer justify any criticism of what were matters it recognized were the internal affairs of China. In effect the demise of Tibet as an issue of international concern, adding even greater pressure upon an Exiled Tibetan Administration already under siege and desperate to find a negotiated settlement.